Forensic Fashion
(c) 2006-present R. Macaraeg


>Costume Studies




* Paterek 1994 p 153
"Athapaskan speakers, the Navajo and Apache migrated from the north (probably northwestern Canada), settling in the Southwest perhaps as late as A.D. 1500.  Fierce warriors and raiders, they were called 'apaches de nabahu' or 'enemies of the cultivated fields' by the Zuni and other Puebloans. [...]
"The Eastern Apache were the Chiricahua, the Jicarilla, the Mescaleros, the Lipan-Apache, and the Kiowa-Apache; they were all influenced by the Plains tribes in their dress, but especially the last two tribes, who are usually considered Plains Indians.  The Western Apache were the White Mountain, San Carlos, Cibecue, and the Northern and Southern Tonto bands."

* Hook ill. Hook 1987 p7
"The Apache tribes can be divided into three groups according to language, and to the time of migration into the historic area.  The Western Apache, Mescalero and Chiricahua form what can be described as the typical Apache group, to which the Navajo originally belonged.  The second group comprises the Jicarilla and Lipan, and the third the Kiowa-Apache.  Cultural distinctions among the Apache conform with these divisions to a certain degree, those tribes living in close contact with each other sharing certain traits.  Thus there were close links between the Chiricahua and Mescalero, who were the last tribes to assume separate identities.
"The geographical position of the tribes similarly affected their culture, through the influence of non-Apachean tribes and contact with the people of the South-West, Plains and Great Basin.  Where generalisations are made about the Apache tribes as a whole, the Kiowa-Apache, by virtue of their strong affiliation with the Plains, tend to deviate severely from the norm, and should not be considered."


* Wise ill. McBride 1980 p16-17
"'Aztec' has come to be used as a collective title for all Mexican Indians, but the true Aztecs were originally a relatively small tribe which moved from the north-west into the valley of Mexico in the 11th or 12th century.  By circa 1325 they had founded their city of Tenochtitlan in Lake Texcoco, and about a hundred years later they emerged as one of the leading powers, forming a triple alliance with the cities of Texcoco and Tlacopan (Tacuba).  Under Aztec leadership the Triple Alliance conquered the neighbouring tribes, but civil war broke out between the allies in the 1460s, ending in 1473 with victory for the Aztecs.  Tenochtitlan thus became the capital of an empire, which by the time of the conquistadores contained no less than 38 semi-independent tribes, all ruled by the Aztec emperor or 'Chosen Speaker' in Tenochtitlan.
"By this date the population of Tenochtitlan had grown to an estimated 90,000 (contemporary sources usually give 250,000 but this is an exaggeration); at the same date London had a population of circa 40,000, Paris 65,000.  The Aztecs could no longer support themselves from local produce, and were dependent on tribute from the conquered tribes, not just in the form of food, but also for all the luxuries which they coveted but could not produce for themselves -- gold, jewels, chocolate, rubber, cotton, animal skins and birds (for their feathers).  However, war was not only a political and economic necessity to maintain the status quo and to exact tribute, it was also essential for religious reasons.  The Aztecs regarded themselves as the chosen people of the gods, chief of whom was their own Huitzilpochtli (the Hummingbird Wizard), who was the sun, the ever-youthful warrior who fought Man's battles with the other gods for Man's survival.  To keep up his strength, Huitzilpochtli needed food, and the most precious food was human blood.  Huitzilpochtli was therefore fed by human sacrifice, and was was the means by which the Aztecs secured an unending supply of victims."


* Power and gold 1988 p94-95
"Much of the Western literature ... asserts that there are six major Batak cultures: Toba, Karo, Dairi-Pakpak, Simalungun, Angkola, and Mandailing.  This division into ethnic units is somewhat misleading, however, since villagers often have little use for such general words as 'Angkola' and identify themselves in much more local terms as members of a ceremonial league or a group of village clusters. [...] Whatever the case, the six large Batak units do have a few identifiable cultural variations that are useful to note as background  ...."
[...] Despite such variation, all Batak societies share a single core culture based on certain organizational and symbolic principles.  In this sense, each Batak culture is related to the others on a theme-and-variations pattern.  The fundamental theme of Batak thought concentrates on kinship, or, in the Toba and Angkola phrase, on the dalihan na tolu."

* Benitez & Barbier 2000 p146
"The Batak comprise a number of ethnic groups, all of which acknowledge themselves as Batak.  They speak similar dialects and form patrilinear exogamic societies which formerly obeyed headmen drawn from the aristocracy who gained power through personal prestige and spiritual strength (sahala).  These groups are, from north to south: the Karo, the Simalungun, the Pakpak, the Toba and, more to the south, the Angkola and the Mandailing, who have been Islamicised for a century and a half."


* Diagram Group 2000 p53
"[The majority of Berbers] live in the Atlas Mountains of Morocco and Algeria.  Others live in the oases (fertile pockets) that dot the Sahara.  There are many different Berber groups: the Irifiyen of northeast Morocco; the Imazighen of central and southeast Morocco; and the Iqbailiyen of Algeria are just a few.  The name 'Berber' was given to them by the ancient Greeks.  'Imazighen' is sometimes used to refer to all Berbers, as well as the Imazighen proper."


* Hämäläinen 2008 p20
"The Comanches entered recorded history in 1706, when residents of Taos pueblo in the far northern corner of New Mexico sent word to the Spanish governor in Santa Fe that the village was expecting an imminent attack from Ute Indians and their new allies, the Comanches.  The attack did not materialize, however, and the report, along with the people it introduced to written history, was soon forgotten.  Two decades later, as Comanches made their presence felt across New Mexico's northern borderlands as fierce but elusive raiders, Spanish officials were fervently gathering information about them.  One of those officials was Brigadier Pedro de Rivera who, while inspecting new Mexico in 1726, attempted to piece together a coherent account of these 'very barbarous' people whose 'origin is unknown.'"

* Wishart ed. 2007 p49
"The Comanches were the first Native people to adopt the classic horse-mounted lifestyle of the Plains.  The ethnonym Comanche probably derives from the Ute word komantsia -- 'anyone who wants to fight me all the time.'  Their name for themselves is Nemene, or 'Our People.'"

* Hämäläinen 2008 p24
"By conventional reading, the word [kumantsi] means 'enemy,' or anyone who wants to fight me all the time,' suggesting that the first contact was a violent one.  However, a more recent interpretation holds that kumantsi refers to a people who were considered related yet different, and it suggests an encounter of another kind: rather than a clash between two alien peoples with sharp reflexes for violence, it was a reunion of two Numic-speaking peoples [Comanche and Ute], who probably originated from the same Sierra Nevada core area, had taken different routes during the sprawling Numic expansion, and now, despite centuries of physical separation, found a unifying bond in their persisting linguistic and cultural commonalities."


* Dickson 1990 p58
"Often in science, initial research quickly produces a simple solution only to have it dissolve into ambiguity as subsequent work reveals the true dimensions of the problem.  Early research on the Upper Paleolithic period, done mostly in southwestern France, suggested that a linear developmental sequence could be traced from the Mousterian industrial tradition through three Upper Paleolithic traditions called Aurignacian, Solutrean, and Magdalenian.  The Aurignacian was viewed as an indigenous European development; coeval cultures in Africa, including the Caspian and the Oranian, were thought to have resulted from migrations of 'Aurignacian' peoples out of France during the Upper Paleolithic period.
"Work in Europe over the last fifty years has revealed that the term Aurignacian as it was formerly used included a number of distinctive cultural traditions under a single heading.  It is now widely accepted that at least three major regional cultural traditions existed, roughly contemporary with, and yet independent of, one another in Europe at various times during the early Upper Paleolithic period.  These three traditions include the Perigordian in the west, the Gravettian in the center and east, and the Aurignacian across most of Europe except the extreme eastern regions.
"In southwestern Europe, the Lower Perigordian tradition emerges from a final expression of the Mousterian or Acheulian tradition.  Slightly later the Aurignacian appears in western Europe.  According to Bordes, the Aurignacian did not develop in situ but arrived in Europe fully formed from somewhere outside; this early Aurignacian supposedly shows affinities with the Quina Mousterian tradition." [references omitted

* Boucher 1987 p18
"By making a closer association than has hitherto been attempted between the history of prehistoric costume and the study of currents of civilization, we arrive, in terms of the present state of knowledge, at the following hypotheses, which are valid mainly for the Aurignacian civilization (between 40,000 and 10,000 BC).
"Firstly, a current of civilizations from South West Asia, passing through the Bosphorus, Transylvania, the Ukraine and Moravia, deflected westward along the old glacier line, apparently turned in Poland towards Bohemia and Bavaria, ending on one side by the North Sea in Jutland, and on the other, in the centre of Western Europe.
"Then another current, from the south this time, passing simultaneously through Italy and Spain, reached Western Europe, where it continued influenzing [sic] the previous drift; but its original source may have been in Africa or even in Asia for, according to Menghin, backed by the Abbe Breuil, some of the forms of the Aurignacian in Europe are very close to those of Asia Minor, and may have penetrated to North-East Africa through Syria.  Not only would this current have touched the entire perimeter of the Mediterranean, but it would naturally have penetrated into the African continent, crossed the Sahara and introduced the tools of this Palaeo-Mediterranean civilization into the Sudan; however, it has not been proved decisively that it went beyond the Gulf of Guinea to reach the South African coast through Chad."


* Benitez & Barbier 2000 p150
"[T]he inhabitants of Borneo, known collectively as Dayak (which simply means 'highlanders'), are in fact made up of groups who share certain beliefs and elements of material culture but nonetheless possess specific characteristics that facile extrapolations can too easily obscure."

* Traditional peoples today 1994 p61
"The term 'Dayak' was first used by Dutch colonists to refer to all the non-Muslim indigenous groups of Borneo.  Beyond this, 'Dayak' is about as racially specific as the American 'Indian,' including peoples of diverse languages and cultures."

* Hersey 1991 p42
"In point of fact, the name 'Dayak' is a misnomer, since the word is only a collective term for 'inland' or 'interior' people.. While scholars have long been aware of this, until very recently the native peoples have continued to be commonly referred to as either 'Land Dayak' or 'Sea Dayak'.  There are, in fact, dozens of tribal groups in Borneo, each with their own language, culture, customs, architecture, and art.  Unfortunately, we are only now beginning to distinguish the art of one culture from another and to assign the provenance of particular artefacts to particular groups ...."

* Dallas Museum of Art > Pacific Islands Collection
"Borneo, the world's third-largest island after Greenland and New Guinea, is shared by three modern nations -- Indonesia (the four Kalimantan provinces), Malaysia (Sarawak and Sabah), and Brunei.  In the heavily forested interior live numerous ethnic groups that are collectively called Dayak, a term meaning 'interior or inland person.'  Each of these peoples has its own language and customs, but they all inhabit a broadly similar environment and pursue a similar livelihood based on agriculture."




* Benitez & Barbier 2000 p138
"The blanket term 'Igorot' is rather misleading and was applied in older literature to the traditional peoples of the Cordillera Mountains that bisect the northern region of Luzon, the Philippines' largest island.  Although non-Christian groups from this region are culturally, linguistically and geographically related, they are today more accurately distinguished as either Bontoc, Ifugao, Ilongot, Isneg, Itneg, Kankanai, Tinguian or Kalinga, the last meaning 'enemy' in the dialect of their neighbours to the north, the Ibanag and Cagayan.  Both before and during Spanish colonial rule of the Philippines (1564-1898), these groups continued their long-established commercial relations with the coastal and lowland plains population, trading gold and silver for textiles, tobacco and other agricultural products."

* Jenks 1905 online
"In several languages of northern Luzon the word 'Ĭg-o-rot′' means 'mountain people.' Dr. Pardo de Tavera says the word 'Igorrote' is composed of the root word 'golot,' meaning, in Tagalog, 'mountain chain,' and the prefix 'i,' meaning 'dweller in' or 'people of.' Morga in 1609 used the word as 'Igolot;' early Spaniards also used the word frequently as 'Ygolotes'—and to-day some groups of the Igorot, as the Bontoc group, do not pronounce the 'r' sound, which common usage now puts in the word. The Spaniards applied the term to the wild peoples of present Benguet and Lepanto Provinces, now a short-haired, peaceful people. In after years its common application spread eastward to the natives of the comandancia of Quiangan, in the present Province of Nueva Vizcaya, and northward to those of Bontoc.
"The word 'Ĭg-o-rot′' is now adopted tentatively as the name of the extensive primitive Malayan people of northern Luzon, because it is applied to a very large number of the mountain people by themselves and also has a recognized usage in ethnologic and other writings. Its form as 'Ĭg-o-rot′' is adopted for both singular and plural, because it is both natural and phonetic, and, because, so far as it is possible to do so, it is thought wise to retain the simple native forms of such words as it seems necessary or best to incorporate in our language, especially in scientific language.
"The sixteenth degree of north latitude cuts across Luzon probably as far south as any people of the Igorot group are now located. It is believed they occupy all the mountain country northward in the island except the territory of the Ibilao in the southeastern part of the area and some of the most inaccessible mountains in eastern Luzon, which are occupied by Negritos.
"There are from 150,000 to 225,000 Igorot in Igorot land. The census of the Archipelago taken in 1903 will give the number as about 185,000. In the northern part of Pangasinan Province, the southwestern part of the territory, there are reported about 3,150 pagan people under various local names, as 'Igorrotes,' 'Infieles'[pagans], and 'Nuevos Christianos.' In Benguet Province there are some 23,000, commonly known as 'Benguet Igorrotes.' In Union Province there are about 4,400 primitive people, generally called 'Igorrotes.' Ilokos Sur has nearly 8,000, half of whom are known to history as 'Tinguianes' and half as 'Igorrotes.' The Province of Ilokos Norte has nearly 9,000, which number is divided quite evenly between 'Igorrotes,' 'Tinguianes,' and 'Infieles.' Abra Province has in round numbers 13,500 pagan Malayans, most of whom are historically known as 'Alzados'and 'Tinguianes.' These Tinguian ethnically belong to the great Igorot group, and in northern Bontoc Province, where they are known as Itneg, flow into and are not distinguishable from the Igorot; but no effort is made in this monograph to cut the Tinguian asunder from the position they have gained in historic and ethnologic writings as a separate people. The Province of Lepanto-Bontoc has, according to records, about 70,500 'Igorrotes,' 'Tinguianes,' and 'Caylingas,'but I believe a more careful census will show it has nearer 100,000. Nueva Ecija is reported to have half a hundred 'Tinguianes.'The Province of Nueva Vizcaya has some 46,000 people locally and historically known as 'Bunnayans,' a large group in the Spanish comandancia of Quiangan; the 'Silapanes,' also a large group of people closely associated with the Bunayan; the Isinay, a small group in the southern part of the province; the Alamit, a considerable group of Silipan people dwelling along the Alamit River in the comandancia of Quiangan; and the small Ayangan group of the Bunayan people of Quiangan. Cagayan Province has about 11,000 'Caylingas' and 'Ipuyaos.' Isabela Province is reported as having about 2,700 primitive Malayans of the Igorot group; they are historically known as 'Igorrotes,' 'Gaddanes,' 'Calingas,' and 'Ifugaos.'  The following forms of the above names of different dialect groups of Ĭg-o-rot′ have been adopted by The Ethnological Survey: Tĭn-gui-an′, Ka-lĭn′-ga, Bun-a-yan′, I-sa-nay′, A-la′-mĭt, Sĭl-i-pan′, Ay-an′-gan, Ĭ-pu-kao′, and Gad-an′.
"It is believed that all the mountain people of the northern half of Luzon, except the Negritos, came to the island in some of the earliest of the movements that swept the coasts of the Archipelago from the south and spread over the inland areas—succeeding waves of people, having more culture, driving their cruder blood fellows farther inland. Though originally of one blood, and though they are all to-day in a similar broad culture-grade—that is, all are mountain agriculturists, and all are, or until recently have been, head-hunters—yet it does not follow that the Igorot groups have to-day identical culture; quite the contrary is true. There are many and wide differences even in important cultural expressions which are due to environment, long isolation, and in some cases to ideas and processes borrowed from different neighboring peoples. Very misleading statements have sometimes been made in regard to the Igorot—customs from different groups have been jumbled together in one description until a man has been pictured who can not be found anywhere. All except the most general statements are worse than wasted unless a particular group is designated."


* Hamilton ed. 1998 p64 (Roy W Hamilton, "From the rainbow's varied hue: Textile style Regions of Mindanao and Sulu" p14-101)
"The term Iranun (also Ilanun or other variants) is one of the most confusing group names in the southern Philippines.  The only facts commonly agreed on are that the shores of Illana Bay constitute the Iranun homeland and that the Iranun are very closely related to the Maranao, who live inland around the shores of Lake Lanao.  In the eighteenth century the Iranun were among the most feared raiders in the Sulu Sea region, and like the term 'Moro,' their name came to be applied indiscriminately to any and all Muslim populations.  As a seafaring group, they did indeed cover large expanses of territory, and an Iranun population now established in Sabah (northern Borneo) is recognized as an offshoot of the Mindanao Iranun.
"[...] While some authors have maintained that the Iranun are Maranao who descended to the sea, others have it the other way around, claiming that the Maranao are Iranun who moved inland to settle the lake region.  If none of these differentiations existed before 1500 C.E., it seems more likely that each group developed its distinctive dialect and cultural characteristics in situ out of a nondifferentiated protopopulation once thinly established throughout the region."

* Warren 2002 p141
"By the early 1830s, the Iranun at Reteh and Saba had become a heterogeneous ethnic community.  In essence, 'Illanun' or 'Lanun' became a commonly accepted regional term for 'pirate' at the end of the eighteenth century.  Historically, however, it was an ethnic one too, referring specifically to the Iranun-Maranao-speaking seafarers of the Illana Bay region of southwestern Mindanao.  But by this time, at the forward bases and satellite settlements in both the western and eastern sectors of the archipelago, it was no longer possible to regard the Iranun raiders and refugees as a single ethnic differentiation that was occurring at Iranun settlements such as Reteh and Tontoli by the 1820s.  By then, the Reteh 'pirates' comprised the first generation descendants of Iranun-Maranao-speaking migrants from Tempasuk and Mindanao, and 'Illanoons' of 'alforean origin' that came from the Moluccas, Sulawesi and Saleyer variously labelled as Gilolo and Tobello."


* Bečka 1995 p106-107
"KACHIN.  A Tibeto-Burman ethnolinguistic group.  The majority of Kachins living in Myanmar are settled in Kachin State and in the adjacent northern part of Shan State.  Kachin refers to the people who call themselves Jinghpaw (also spelt Chinghpaw and Singhpo) as wells as to their ethnic sub-groups -- such as the Atsi, Lashi and Maru -- who live mainly along the Myanmar-China border."

* Tainter 1988 p17
"The Kachin of Highland Burma are a classic people of anthropology.  They are organized into three contrasting forms of society.  These are the gumlao, or egalitarian, the gumsa, or stratified, and the shan, or feudal.  Sociopolitical activity and level of hierarchical authority increase through these social forms, in the order listed.
"The noteworthy fact about the Kachin is that these forms are not static.  Local groups may oscillate between gumlao and shan-like characteristics.  Gumsa organization is a compromise between these contrasting poles.  Some gumsa become shan, others revert back to gumlao organization.  Yet equality of descent groups cannot be maintained, and eventually gumsa societies emerge from gumlao.  What is most pertinent to the present topic [collapse of complex societies] is that stratified gumsa societies do not remain so.  Through disaffection of their members, principles of hierarchy and associated complexity are periodically lost as such societies collapse to egalitarian organization." [references omitted]


* Çağatay & Kuban eds. 2006 p210
"While the earliest mention of the name Kipcak (Qipcaq/Qibcaq) can be found in the runic inscription of the Uyghur kagan Iltemis (Bilge-Kúl, 747-59), the creation of the Kipcak tribal confederation was a long process that lasted until the beginning of the twelfth century.  The origins and the ethnicity of the Kipcaks haev been studied by several scholars, yet many questions still remain unanswered.  One of them is clear: the Kipcaks started moving west under the impact of several chain reactions, such as migrations of peoples triggered by the coming to power of robust new dynasties, mainly in China.  The Kipcak confederation of the eleventh to thirteenth centuries was, according to Peter Golden, 'a multi-layered ethno-linguistic structure containing Turkic, Mongolian and possibly Iranian elements.'
"The territory of the confederation was immense -- from the Danube River in the west to the Chinese frontiers in the east, and Islamic Central Asia in the south.  The Kipcaks had two independent branches; the border between them ran along the Volga River.  The eastern branch appears first under the name Kimek.  After the Mongolian invasion (1222), the branch was renamed Kangli.  The Islamic sources call the western branch Dest-i Qibcaq, 'the steppe of the Kipcaks,' while the Rus' sources call them the Polovcians.  The Byzantine authors use the name Kuman, and the Hungarians Kún."


* Diagram Group 2000 p152
"The Mongo (or Lomongo) people inhabit the Congo Basin in central Congo (Dem. Rep.).  They include a number of smaller groups such as the Mbole, Ntomba, Metoko, Lengola, and the Tetela."


* Che Man 1990 p31
"[A]lthough the Moros constituted a single society and nationality, they comprised different ethno-cultural groups.... The Maranaos, Maguindanaos, and Tausugs were the major groups, constituting 75 per cent of the total Moro population.  The development in social and political structure of the three was similar but not identical.  The position of panglima in the Sultanate of Sulu, for instance, carried certain prerogatives and powers which differed somewhat from those exercised by the panglima in the Sultanate of Mindanao.  It is believed that the institution of the sultanate and the formal offices under it were more developed in Sulu than in Mindanao.  Not all Moro groups had sultans and the number of sultanates varied.  For example, the Tausugs had only 1 sultanate; the Maguindanaos had 3 major sultanates; more than 40 sultanates were identified among the Maranaos, 15 of which were considered pre-eminent.  The Moro sultanates were also characterized by a kinship system which polarized loyalties and interest along blood lines.  It caused rivalries and dissension. ... [T]hese loosely knit sultanates were not always united during their struggle against colonial powers."  [references omitted]


* Oppitz, Kaiser, von Stockhausen, & Wettstein 2008 p

* Heath ill. Perry 1999 p22
"Regarded by some Victorian commentators as constituting 'the wildest and most turbulent tribes adjacent to any part of our Indian dominions,' the Nagas inhabited the hills that separated Assam from North-West Burma.  The most important of their 40 or so tribes were the Angamis, Aos, Kachas, Lhotas, Rengmas, Semas, and numerous small tribes referred to collectively as the Eastern or Naked Nagas, or Konyaks."

* Secret museum of mankind v3
"The generic term of Naga is given to a series of hill tribes in north-east India, distinguished as using no weapons but the javelin and dao, or billhook.  Little is known of them save that they were early worshippers of the serpent, whence they derive their name, 'Naga.'  Formerly inveterate marauders, their attitude towards the dwellers in the plains is less hostile now."




* Power and gold 1988 p131
"Toraja today is one of Indonesia's ethnic minority societies created in interaction with larger state societies.  Through the Dutch period, though, and indeed partly as a result of the colonial presence, the Toraja heartland was an area of sturdy, fiercely competitive village leagues."

* Volkman 1985 p2-3
"In the northern reaches of the [South Sulawesi] peninsula, fertile plains and rolling hills give way to rugged mountains with 3,000-meter peaks.  These mountains are the homeland of 550,000 people collectively designated 'Toraja' and known locally by such names as Mamasa, Rongkong, Seko, Maki, and Mambi.  The best known of these highland peoples are sometimes called Sa'dan (or Sadang) Toraja, after the great river that courses through the mountains. ... In the past highlanders were scorned by their lowland neighbors as kingdomless headhunters who wore little more than loincloths, ate pork, and worshiped pagan (non-Islamic) deities. ...
"Until this century 'Toraja' as an ethnic group or category scarcely existed except in the minds of others.  The term was applied in the seventeenth century by Makassarese (to = person; raja = north) to the highland peoples whom they raided; and the Bugis used the term (to = person; ri aja = of the interior, above) to include all highlanders of both southern and central Celebes.  Dutch missionaries in central Celebes borrowed this broad usage in the 1890s, although the American anthropologist Raymond Kennedy attempted to restrict 'Toraja' to the peoples of the central highlands, calling the southerners simply 'Sa'dang.'  By the 1930s the name 'Toraja' had taken hold among the southern highlanders, who by the 1970s were enthusiastically reformulating the cultural terms of that identity.  The fluidity of of these ethnic categories is paralleled linguistically." [references omitted]


* Wooding 1996 p10
"To the English, Irish and French writers of the ninth century AD, the Vikings were not nice people.  Over a period of around 80 years, coastal and riverside towns across western Europe were subjected to brutal raids by sea-borne marauders.  Contemporary writers usually referred to them as 'Northmen' and quickly recognised them as being from the Scandinavian countries which lay across the North Sea.  Today we refer to these raiders as Vikings, rather than 'Northmen', using the name given them by the Old Norse writers of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries AD.
"Viking isn't really a contemporary name, though it may have been used earlier than our first references to it.  The origin of the word is not fully known.  In the language of the Norwegian Vikings, Old Norse, vik means a salty inlet of the sea, or a 'creek'.  So presumably the name Viking carries some sense of coastal raiding or setting out to sea.  We can't say anything more precise than that."


* Lorge 2005 p126
"Japanese pirates, wokou (literally 'dwarf bandits'), had raided up and down the Chinese and Korean coasts since perhaps the thirteenth century, but they became a serious problem during the Ming.  They were not, however, exclusively or even predominantly Japanese in the sixteenth century.  The vast majority of the wokou were Chinese from the southeast coast engaged in foreign trade.  As international traders, these Chinese seafarers were well acquainted with Japan and did make use of some number of Japanese fighters when they turned to raiding China.  Other wokou at the beginning of the Ming may well have been exclusively Japanese, but these faded into insignificance when compared with the mid-sixteenth-century phenomenon manned and led by Chinese."

* Lorge 2008 p78
"It is unclear what percentage of the wokou were actually Japanese, and it seems likely that the percentage changed over time, with a higher number in the earlier period and a lower number later on.  The most damaging raids were conducted with a great deal of local Chinese assistance.  We should not, of course, hold too closely to strict categories of modern nationality.  Wokou raids increased in frequency when there was political turmoil in Japan and the central authorities could not control provincial lords.  These Japanese raiders or merchants were connected to the East and Southeast Asian maritime world, which included a mobile population of sailors and their families.  Sailors from one place might take up residence in another and marry locally.  Their offspring might be considered transcultural, or multicultural, from the false perspective that each locality was part of a monolithic national culture that coincided with a unified polity.  More realistically, the sailors and their families were part of a maritime culture that also had ties to various lands."

* Huang 1981 p163
"The marauders who rampaged on the eastern [Chinese] seaboard in the sixteenth century were not exactly pirates.  Onshore they built inland bases and besieged walled cities.  Their incessant raids lasted for at least two decades.  Nor were they exclusively Japanese.  Most of the time they cooperated with mixed bands of Chinese; on many occasions the latter predominated.  Their leadership was even supplied by Chinese adventurers.  But within the fighting element, the role played by the natives could not be more than auxiliary.  The invasion was based in Japan; and the Japanese furnished all the military skill and military equipment.
"The problem of piracy was inseparable from international trade, which, even though proscribed by law, had been flourishing on the eastern coast for some time, engaging adventurers of different nationalities. ... Ports of call were designated on the desolate offshore islands not covered by official patrols.  In the absence of a court system to enforce contractual obligations and settle cases of indebtedness, a score of sea captains, most of them Chinese but some of them undoubtedly of mixed parentage, acted as armed arbiters in an attempt to fill the legal vacuum.  They eventually rose to be pirate leaders."